Gen Z Movement 2025, Nepal: Gen Z has withdrawn its movement in Nepal after five days with the dissolution of the House of Representatives by President Ramchandra Paudel and 73-year-old former Supreme Court first woman Chief Justice Sushila Karki, taking oath as Interim Prime Minister on 12th September 2025, followed by swearing-in by some of her ministers after the forced ouster of the entire K P Sharma Oli-headed government.
Meanwhile, the date for general elections on 5th March 2026 has also been announced. One hopes the above measures would help the land-locked Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal continue to enjoy the stability, peace, secularism and diversity under its present Constitution.
However, some pertinent questions that come to mind are as to what was the Gen Z? Which were the important groups and faces, comprising it? What were the factors that provoked the revolution? Had the pro-monarchy elements anything to do with it? Would the Gen Z movement yield the desired results unlike some previous revolutions in the last over 75 years?
A Land of Unfinished Movements (1951-2008)
As is obvious, this is not the first movement in Nepal. It’s on record that Nepal saw a number of popular movements earlier, effecting a change in the system of governance in over 75 years, but all remained unfinished due to lack of a comprehensive Constitution, clear policy and some other factors. Therefore, it’s in the fitness of things that these earlier movements, their impacts and failures are discussed in detail first before the Gen Z movement of 2025.
The first movement is said to occur in 1951 with a view to transform a 104-year-old authoritarian regime to a Federal Democratic Republic. So King Tribhuvan came to power, overthrowing the Rana regime and heralding the “dawn of democracy”. However, the political instability in the subsequent years gave an opportunity to King Mahendra around 1960 to consolidate power in his own hands. The absolute monarchy disenchanted the general masses who revolted, leading to a people’s movement steered by different political parties in 1990. This movement paved the way to a multi-party democracy under a constitutional monarchy like Britain. Later the Maoists expressed dissatisfaction in the 1990 Constitution for lack of diversity and demanded provisions to address the grievances of the marginalised communities.
Later Maoists’ decade-old insurgency from 1996 to 2006 culminated again in another people’s movement against monarchy as well as the feudal structures within the Nepali society with the participation of different political parties. The signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in November 2006 between the Maoists and the government of Nepal, ended the 10 year long conflict. Later a year after an Interim Constitution was promulgated in 2007. In the mean time King Gyanendra imposed his direct rule against which massive protests began in 2008 and lasted for 19 days, deposing the King and overthrowing the monarchy for ever. Then Nepal was declared a Democratic, Secular and Inclusive Republic. This was the time when Madhesi parties alleged exclusion under the new Constitution and began their struggle for greater autonomy and representation.
Recalling the last day demonstration of the 19-day anti-monarchy movement in 2008, steered by Nepali Congress, Communist Party of Nepal -Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML), Communist Party of Nepal (Maoists), Madheshis and a dozen other political parties, veteran Socialist and Janata Dal United leader and former Parliamentarian K C Tyagi, who was then in Kathmandu to witness the historic end of monarchy, told this journalist that he was also invited along with some dignitaries from India to the swearing-in ceremony of new Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal, popularly known as Prachanda by President Ram Baran Yadav on 18th August 2008. It won’t be out of place to mention here that the 2007 Interim Constitution was replaced by a new Constitution, based on secularism and federalism in 2015.
It’s true that the conflicts stopped following the 2006 CPA, but none of the promises made therein were kept. The transitional justice mechanisms to address the main causes of conflict and provide for reparations, justice and reconciliation were never devised. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission and Commission for Investigation on Enforced Disappeared Persons (CIEDP) were amended after 18 years in 2024 to address the concerns of the civil society and victim groups, followed by new commissioners’ appointment in May 2025.
It’s to point out that the CPA was not just an accord on a paper, it also paved the way to resources in Nepal, but investigations confirm that these resources were not used for rebuilding lasting peace and equity in the society and went elsewhere.
Gen Z Movement 2025
It’s noticeable that different governments failed to probe most of the major corruption cases and prosecute the guilty. In fact, the failure to check corruption and unemployment that was at 20 per cent last year brought the Gen Z to roads.
The Gen Z’s much of the anger were directed at three mainstream political parties—KP Sharma Oli’s CPN (UML), Sher Bahadur Deuba’s Nepali Congress and Prachanda’s CPN (Maoist Centre)—took turns to rule. It was in this backdrop that the Gen Z’s social media campaign highlighted the extravagant lifestyle of the children of the political elite that swung into action the government. It ordered a crackdown on 26 social media platforms on September 4. Later it withdrew the ban, but then it was too late. The protesters’ point is that when they tried to silence them by shutting down their civic space, they had no choice, but to come to the streets.
However, September 8 and 9 would be remembered as the darkest days in Nepal that saw a Gen Z-led movement against corruption and unemployment. Soon it turned into an unprecedented catastrophe. The government’s crackdown leaving 19 protesters dead on the first day, led to the escalated protests on the second. The toll from the violent protests rose to 72, besides hundreds of those injured on Sept 15. It’s worth-mention that the toll included a dozen Muslims. It proves that the Gen Z movement comprised people belonging to different religions.
Meanwhile, SAIN has come to learn from a reliable source in Kathmandu that Ms Rajya Laxmi Chitrakar, also known as Rabi Laxmi Chitrakar, wife of former Prime Minister Jhala Nath Khanal who was reported in the media to succumb to burn injuries at his house during the days of protests, is alive, but in critical condition in ICU at Kirtipur Burn Hospital. She was earlier taken to Chhauni Army Hospital, Kathmandu.
What Next?
The Interim government is now already functioning. It’s hoped Interim Prime Minister Sushila Karki will leave no stone unturned in fulfilling the basic demands of the people in general as expressed by Gen Z too by holding the general elections on the date as announced. This will help strengthen the democracy. On the other hand, Gen Z leaders in general have already made it clear that they dont seek to replace Nepal’s hard won democracy. Gen Z activist Rakesh Bam, who took part in the Army-brokered negotiations is on record to declare: “We are not searching for an alternative to the current system. We are moving forward within the framework of the Constitution.”
Expressing his views on mobile phone, Biswendra Paswan, a member of the Constituent Assembly in Nepal and President of Bahujan Shakti Party who rendered full support to the Gen Z during their protest, said: “At a time when general elections have already been announced, we all should concentrate on holding it. As the corruption was the main issue that triggered the protest against an elected government and forced it out, and it was basically against three mainstream political parties, its leaders— KP Sharma Oli, Sher Bahadur Deuba and Prachanda must not be allowed to participate in the… elections..”
He also opined that so far as the amendments in the Constitution were concerned, they will be dealt with after the elections.
However, Nepal Bar Association has severely condemned the dissolution of the House of Representatives by President Ramchandra Paudel and demanded immediate withdrawal of the order of the dissolution. In a statement signed by Dr Vijay Prasad Mishra, President and Kedar Prasad Koirala, Secretary General, the Nepal Bar Association has called the dissolution as “Unconstitutional”.
Besides, different political parties and most of the members of the dissolved House of Representatives from mainstream political parties have also slammed the decision.
Who Are Gen Z?
So far as Gen Z is concerned, it is the demographic cohort following the Baby Boomers and preceding Millennials. Researchers and popular media often use the mid-1960s as its starting birth years and the late 1970s to early 1980s as its ending birth years, with the generation generally defined as people born from 1965 to 1980.
Irrespective of colour, race and religion, this generation is known as Tech Savvy and believes in solution directly. The online gaming, e commerce and digital payments are the parts of their lives. Opposed to any kind of racial differentiation and inequality, they are aware of the issues of the inequality, climate and environment changes and human rights and pay attention to the Inclusivity and social justice through social media. They are also inclined towards, free licensing, startups and creative careers.
The important leaders of Gen Z included Sudan Gurung, President, youth NGO Hami Nepal, Balendra Shah “Balen”, Mayor of Kathmandu; Kelman Ghising, former Chief, Nepal Electricity Authority; Harka Sampang, Mayor, Dharan; Ojashwi Raj Thapa, a youth leader.